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TIME: Almanac 1995
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<text id=90TT1979>
<title>
July 30, 1990: Soviet Union:Breakaway Breadbasket
</title>
<history>
TIME--The Weekly Newsmagazine--1990
July 30, 1990 Mr. Germany
</history>
<article>
<source>Time Magazine</source>
<hdr>
WORLD, Page 44
SOVIET UNION
Breakaway Breadbasket
</hdr>
<body>
<p>A Kremlin nightmare: the Ukraine seeks sovereignty
</p>
<p>By John Kohan/Lvov
</p>
<p> If the Ukrainian nationalist movement needed a Betsy Ross,
it certainly found one in Orest Kaledin. On a stroll through
Lvov (pop. 860,000), the largest city in the Western Ukraine,
the biologist turned flagmaker points to five new
yellow-and-blue national banners flapping from the town hall.
They are his and his wife's handiwork, says Kaledin with pride.
He dreams of designing uniforms and ensigns for a revived
Ukrainian army. Pointing out a friend on the street--a scrawny
person of decidedly unmilitary bearing--he explains
confidentially that the young man is destined to become "one
of our generals."
</p>
<p> Flags are one thing. But an independent Ukraine with its own
soldiers? The idea may not be so farfetched: in Kiev last week
the parliament overwhelmingly passed a declaration of
sovereignty. Stopping short of proclaiming full independence,
the document insists that the republic's laws take precedence
over Moscow's rule. Furthermore, the decree envisions a
neutral, nuclear-free Ukraine with its own army and currency.
Even the large bloc of Communist parliamentary deputies joined
nationalists in pressing for a fundamental change in relations
with Moscow.
</p>
<p> Though the declaration leaves open the possibility for the
Ukraine to enter voluntarily into a new union of Soviet
republics, it goes further than a similar document passed last
month in neighboring Russia. Thus the U.S.S.R.'s second largest
republic, with a population of 52 million and some of the most
fertile farmland, richest coal fields and largest industrial
centers in the Soviet Union, has joined seven of the country's
14 other republics in formally loosening ties with the central
government.
</p>
<p> Nationalist fervor is most intense in the Western Ukraine,
in territories largely annexed--along with the Baltic states--by the Soviet Union under the terms of the 1939
Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact. In republican elections last March,
supporters of the Rukh movement, an umbrella organization for
a host of proindependence groups, won a landslide victory in
the western section. The radicals did not win a majority of
seats in the republic's parliament, but their bloc of more than
100 is sizable enough to prevent the government in Kiev from
getting a quorum on key votes.
</p>
<p> In Lvov the town hall, bustling with activity, is
reminiscent of Lenin's headquarters in the opening days of the
Bolshevik Revolution. Only this is a revolution against
communist control. Youths in blue jeans huddle in smoke-filled
corridors with city council representatives in peasant blouses,
discussing plans to purge Lvov of emblems, propaganda posters
and street names that are, in the words of one deputy,
"trademarks of Soviet power." Busts of Lenin and Marx in two
wall niches have already been replaced--by vases.
</p>
<p> Worried about the radical shift in the western half of the
republic, authorities in Kiev tried to wrest control of the
police, transportation, communication and even veterinary
services from local municipalities on the eve of the elections.
That has not cowed Lvov's new city council. At a recent
session, deputies grilled a local official in charge of light
industry and food production. Why was there so little milk? Why
were the "bosses" still loading up their cars with scarce goods?
</p>
<p>"but everything gets sent to the center."
</p>
<p> The revolt has been further fueled by a tangled religious
conflict dating back to 1946. In that year Stalin disbanded the
Eastern-rite Catholic Church in the Western Ukraine, which
professes allegiance to the Pope, turning over property--and
parishioners--to the Russian Orthodox Church. Ukrainian
Catholics still await official recognition, but they have taken
matters into their own hands. Whole Orthodox congregations and
priests have switched allegiance back to the Vatican.
</p>
<p> Amid the euphoria that comes from venting long-repressed
political and religious passions, some nationalists may be
tempted to believe that independence from Moscow can come with
a stroke of the pen. But not all. Lvov's mayor, Vasili
Shpitser, concedes that the Lithuanian crisis illustrates how
difficult it will be to break economic ties with the center.
And without economic viability, no republic can be truly
independent. "All our people really want is to speak their own
language, worship in their own churches, have something to buy
in the shops, and live at peace--without having to ask for
these rights," Shpitser said. But it is a measure of the
antipathy felt toward Moscow that many Ukrainians think the
only way to achieve those modest demands is to recast the
republic's entire relationship with the Kremlin as swiftly as
possible.
</p>
</body>
</article>
</text>